جبهه آزادی‌بخش ملی مقدونیه - ویکی‌پدیا، دانشنامهٔ آزاد

جبهه آزادی‌بخش ملی
(Narodno Osloboditelen Front)
جبهه آزادی‌بخش ملی (Narodno Osloboditelen Front)
فعال	۱۹۴۵–۱۹۴۹
کشور	یونان
فرماندهان

جبهه آزادی‌بخش ملی (به صورت مختصر NLF) (مقدونی: Народно Ослободителен Фронт (НОФ)با ترجمه National Liberation Front) همچنین شناخته شده به عنوان جبههٔ آزادی مردمیک سازمان کمونیست سیاسی و نظامی ایجاد شده بدست اقلیت مقدونی یونان بود. این سازمان درسال‌های ۱۹۴۵ تا ۱۹۴۹ میلادی فعال بود. برجسته‌ترین همکاری آنان در جنگ داخلی یونان بوده‌است. تا آنجایی که خود کادرعالی حزب نگران بودند که مشارکتشان در جنگ داخلی یونان، عملی ملی گرایانه به جای کمونیستی و با آرمان جدایی خواهی از یونان باشد.^[۱]

منابع[ویرایش]

↑ Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2006). < ! e. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 312. ISBN 0-521-85409-1. After the end of the occupation and the demobilization of the Communist partisans (1945—4S), the reconstructed Greek state persecuted leftists and Slav Macedonians alike. Trials of collaborators were used as an opportunity for ethnically motivated persecution as well as the pursuit of all kinds of local feuds. As a result, many Slav Macedonians, both those who had participated in EAM but also many who saw action in the various collaborationist militias, fled across the border into the Republic of Macedonia, newly formed as part of socialist Yugoslavia. Whereas during the occupation many Slav Macedonians had claimed a Bulgarian identity and collaborated with the Bulgarian troops, many now claimed a Macedonian identity and looked up to Tito’s Yugoslavia; many among them joined an independence movement (NLF) and a unit known as the First Aegean Brigade. Both organizations were closely allied with Yugoslavia’s Communist authorities, who themselves maintained complex ties with the Greek Communists. At the mass level, there was a growing overlap between the Slavophone linguistic identity the Slav Macedonian (or Macedonian) ethnic identity, and the propensity to side with the Communist Left in 1946-49. Although the overlap was nor complete, with a significant minority of Slav Macedonians siding with the Greek government it is clear nonetheless that most Slav Macedonians either collaborated with or openly fought with the Greek Communist rebels between 1946 and 1949 — 85 percent according to one estimate (Rossos 1997:63). Conversely, many Greek settlers, especially in mixed villages, supported the Greek Right. even though they hail been ardent supporters of the Liberal Party during the interwar period (Marantzidis 2001) In short, although the Greek Civil War in Macedonia was by no means an ethnic war, it took on a pronounced ethnic character. The Slav Macedonians made a significant. indeed a critical contribution to the communist side during the Civil War in Greece; they bore the brunt of the war, since they inhabited the regions of Macedonia where the heaviest fighting took place. Their participation in the ranks of the rebel army was very high, “far out of proportion to their relatively low numbers in the total population of Greece at the time. Their estimated representation in the DSE (the Democratic Army of Greece) as the Communist rebel army was known ranged from more than a quarter in April 1947 to more than two-thirds in mnid-I949. By 1944 the Communist Party “had become almost totally dependent on the relatively small, mainly .Macedonian— populated areas it held in central and western Macedonia. ” Importantly, however, the nature of the Slav Macedonians’ participation in the Greek Civil War (at least at the elite level) was nationalist rather than Communist. The Communists were convenient allies in a struggle that was supposed to lead to secession from Greece and a merger with the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. For the NLF “it was primarily a national struggle, a battle for the national liberation of the Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia. (Rossos 1997:42,43-4,64,42). {{cite book}}: Text "> logic of violence in civil war" ignored (help); line feed character in |title= at position 2 (help)

[Kalyvas-1] Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2006). < ! e. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. p. 312. ISBN 0-521-85409-1. After the end of the occupation and the demobilization of the Communist partisans (1945—4S), the reconstructed Greek state persecuted leftists and Slav Macedonians alike. Trials of collaborators were used as an opportunity for ethnically motivated persecution as well as the pursuit of all kinds of local feuds. As a result, many Slav Macedonians, both those who had participated in EAM but also many who saw action in the various collaborationist militias, fled across the border into the Republic of Macedonia, newly formed as part of socialist Yugoslavia. Whereas during the occupation many Slav Macedonians had claimed a Bulgarian identity and collaborated with the Bulgarian troops, many now claimed a Macedonian identity and looked up to Tito’s Yugoslavia; many among them joined an independence movement (NLF) and a unit known as the First Aegean Brigade. Both organizations were closely allied with Yugoslavia’s Communist authorities, who themselves maintained complex ties with the Greek Communists. At the mass level, there was a growing overlap between the Slavophone linguistic identity the Slav Macedonian (or Macedonian) ethnic identity, and the propensity to side with the Communist Left in 1946-49. Although the overlap was nor complete, with a significant minority of Slav Macedonians siding with the Greek government it is clear nonetheless that most Slav Macedonians either collaborated with or openly fought with the Greek Communist rebels between 1946 and 1949 — 85 percent according to one estimate (Rossos 1997:63). Conversely, many Greek settlers, especially in mixed villages, supported the Greek Right. even though they hail been ardent supporters of the Liberal Party during the interwar period (Marantzidis 2001) In short, although the Greek Civil War in Macedonia was by no means an ethnic war, it took on a pronounced ethnic character. The Slav Macedonians made a significant. indeed a critical contribution to the communist side during the Civil War in Greece; they bore the brunt of the war, since they inhabited the regions of Macedonia where the heaviest fighting took place. Their participation in the ranks of the rebel army was very high, “far out of proportion to their relatively low numbers in the total population of Greece at the time. Their estimated representation in the DSE (the Democratic Army of Greece) as the Communist rebel army was known ranged from more than a quarter in April 1947 to more than two-thirds in mnid-I949. By 1944 the Communist Party “had become almost totally dependent on the relatively small, mainly .Macedonian— populated areas it held in central and western Macedonia. ” Importantly, however, the nature of the Slav Macedonians’ participation in the Greek Civil War (at least at the elite level) was nationalist rather than Communist. The Communists were convenient allies in a struggle that was supposed to lead to secession from Greece and a merger with the Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. For the NLF “it was primarily a national struggle, a battle for the national liberation of the Macedonians in Aegean Macedonia. (Rossos 1997:42,43-4,64,42). {{cite book}}: Text "> logic of violence in civil war" ignored (help); line feed character in |title= at position 2 (help)

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